Scholars and critics said on Wednesday that the current situation in Pakistan could be better understood in the light of theories presented by social scientist Hamza Alavi.
The paper was authored by Pakistani social scientist and historian, Hamza Alavi. The condition required that such countries must first have a developed bourgeoisie middle-class and an equally developed urban proletariat working class. The economic conflict between the two was predicted by Marx to produce a revolution that would lead to a dynamic state of perpetual communism.
He suggested that it was this section of the peasant class who were natural allies of the urban working classes, as opposed to the poorer peasants.
Another reiteration that Jinnah had envisaged a different Pakistan than what it has become Mao, who had largely used poor peasants as his foot soldiers during the communist revolution in China, did not agree with Alavi. Alavi propagated the flip side.
In his paper he suggested that just like men from urban working classes who can always find employment Post colonial society hamza alvi were thus not afraid to lose a job due to their involvement in a revolutionary movement, this is the same aspect that makes the middle peasantry an important revolutionary player.
This was because unlike the poor peasants, the middle peasants can survive the onslaught of opposing forces because they were more resourcefulwhereas the poor peasants, for fear of losing whatever little they had, prefer to remain subdued during a movement.
Alavi was born into a well-to-do business family in Karachi. He got an economics degree from a university in Poona in pre-partition Indiabefore returning to Karachi after the creation of Pakistan in He was still in his 20s when, instead of continuing his high profile career in the bank, he opted to accompany his wife to East Africa where both set up a farm.
It was here that Alavi began to study the political and economic dynamics of the peasants. Alavi returned to Pakistan in as editor of the left-leaning Pakistan Times.
But he quit and flew back to the UK after the newspaper was taken over by the military regime of Ayub Khan. According to Alavi, though at the time of their creation, the new countries lacked economic resources and political institutions, they inherited established militaries from the receding colonial powers.
Thus, when such countries struggled to develop civilian political institutions, their militaries were the only organised state entities to resolve issues triggered by political conflicts between underdeveloped civilian bodies.
This singularity politicized the military and retarted the process needed to make civilian institutions reach maturity. Alavi settled in the UK, becoming a professor of sociology, first at Leeds University and then at the Manchester University.
He wrote scathing critiques of the reactionary dictatorship of General Ziaul Haq in various academic journals. By then, along with Iqbal Ahmad, Alavi had become one of the most cited Pakistani scholars in the West.
Intwo years after deadly ethnic riots erupted in Karachi, Alavi emerged with his third most significant paper Nationhood and Nationalities in Pakistan.
To get to the bottom of ethnic turmoil in Pakistan, Alavi observed that the movement to create Pakistan had a larger economic motive rather than a purely religious one. He informs that the salaried Muslims believed that this overwhelming competition will be eliminated with the creation of Pakistan.
However, he continues by suggesting that this sense of severe competition was not resolved with the creation of Pakistan.
Instead it was carried over and took the shape of competition between the salaried classes of different ethnic groups. This, according to Alavi, created ethnic tensions and turmoil in Pakistan. InAlavi turned his attention on the rise of religious extremism in Pakistan.
In his fourth most significant thesis, The Contradictions of the Khilafat Movement, Alavi analysed the Khilafat Movement in depth. He suggested that it was the emergence of this movement that enhanced the political role of the Muslim clergy in South Asia.
Alavi writes that though the movement pretended to be an anti-imperialist entity, its main aim was to promote a communalist understanding of politics among Indian Muslims.
On being a Marxist, he once told renowned historian, Dr Mubarak Ali, that Marxism works best as a tool to analyse history, economics and politics, but does not hold quite so well as a political ideology.
Published in Dawn, Sunday Magazine, December 13th, Professor Hamza Alavi. K likes. Professor Hamza Alavi was one of the few eminent scholars in the West who wrote so extensively and analytically on. A book on the life and works of distinguished Marxist scholar Hamza Alvi titled Professor Hamza Alvi — Awam Dost Marxi Danishwar authored by Dr Riaz Ahmed Shaikh was launched at the Arts Council on Friday evening.
on the post-colonial state and the other, on agrarian structures of society. Hamza Alavi -Photo provided by the writer.
In a lengthy paper titled, ‘Peasants and Revolution,’ caused a considerable storm in the international academic circles . Home» Newspaper Articles» Bangladesh and the Crises of Pakistan – by Hamza Alavi. Bangladesh and the Crises of Pakistan – by Hamza Alavi posted by SK | October 1, | In Newspaper Articles.
the post-colonial society which it ‘mobilizes’ for development. Hamza Alvi (10 April – 1 December ) was a Marxist academic sociologist and activist. Hamza Alavi’s theories and present situation discussed. conceptual basis for studying the fabric of society in the subcontinent, for which Hamza Alavi is known.
in post-colonial society.